The MENA News Guide: Part I

By: Melissa Martin

Despite being a region of dynamic growth and perpetual change, original and accurate reporting on the Middle East can be surprisingly scarce at times. It is not uncommon to read the daily news emanating from major Western outlets and find largely homogenous content. Plus, today’s media has an ugly habit of regurgitating and recycling claims made in the press circuit, and this is especially true of coverage of the Middle East where fact and fiction often mingle (see the viral story about the man too handsome for Saudi Arabia).

However, those seeking to delve deeper now have access to an expanding network of independent media outlets in the Middle East - many of which have only recently realized the right to a free press - if only they knew where to look. Thus, to promote a more complete spectrum of regional affairs, we will begin a blog series featuring media outlets we hope to be unique and engaging to readers. These posts will examine a variety of subject areas - including general news, women’s rights, technology, art, etc. These outlets feature a variety of viewpoints which serve to create a more accurate picture of this complex region.

This week, we kick things off with a collection of general news outlets:

Al-Sharq al-Awsat: This publication is often considered the leading Arab daily paper. It is produced in London, where it was established in 1978 with approval from the Saudi royal family. The paper is noted for its support of the Saudi government, and considered a conservative outlet in the region. Al-Sharq al-Awsat has a network of correspondents and bureaus throughout the Middle East, Europe, Asia and the United States, producing a distinctive global perspective on regional and international events.

Website: www.aawsat.net

Facebook: asharq alawsat - Leading Arab International Daily News

Twitter: @aawsat_eng

Al-Arabiya: This webpage corresponds to the pan-Arab television news channel Al-Arabiya, which carries news, current affairs, business and financial markets, sports, talk shows, and documentaries. The site is Saudi-owned, and has been accused of having a pro-Saudi bias. It is regarded as one of the most popular sites in the region. Al-Arabiya provides translated news articles and English subtitles to video clips on its English webpage.

Website: www.english.alarabiya.net

Facebook: Al Arabiya English

Twitter: @alarabiya_Eng

Al-Monitor: The concept behind Al-Monitor is unique and beneficial to readers looking to discover sources beyond the English-speaking press circuit. The site has partnerships with two-dozen major news outlets in the region; it pulls pressing articles from these sources daily and translates them into English. It then supplements the pieces with original reporting and secondary-coverage for English viewers. Its list of contributors features former reporters for The National, Foreign Policy, and USA Today. The site claims to cover the “pulses” of Iraq, Israel, Lebanon, Palestine, and Turkey.

http://www.al-monitor.com

Facebook: https://www.facebook.com/almonitor

Twitter: @AlMonitor

Magharebia: This news outlet focuses on current events in North Africa and the Maghreb, namely Tunisia, Morocco, Mauritania, Libya, and Algeria. The website is unique in publishing all articles in Arabic, French, and English. The website organizes stories by country, as well as in an archive format. It is open to article comments, and maintains an online discussion forum called ‘Zawaya’ which features panel debates on a variety of topics. Magharebia has played an active role in original reporting on issues in the Maghrib since its establishment in 2004.

Website: www.magharebia.com

Facebook:Magharebia

Twitter: @magharebia

Tehran Bureau: Founded in 2008, this “virtual" bureau works to connect journalists, Iran experts, and readers in regard to Iran and the diaspora. Contributors attempt to offer some sort of independent coverage in a regime where little exists. Tehran Bureau established an editorial partnership with Frontline PBS in 2009, and offers a press roundup, commentary, features, art and a forum for discussion.

Website: www.magharebia.com

Facebook: Tehran Bureau

Twitter: @TehranBureau

The Daily Star: The Daily Star is an English publication based in Beirut, Lebanon. The daily has a large online readership mainly from North America, Europe, and Australia. In 2009, its website registered more than 80,000 unique visitors per day. The Daily Star online edition is the Web's leading source of Lebanese and regional news, redesigned to offer breaking news and on-the-spot follow-up. The site publishes pieces regarding news, opinion, sports, business, culture. technology and entertainment.

Website: www.dailystar.com/lb

Facebook: The Daily Star

Twitter: @DailyStarLeb

Al-Jazeera: This is the English-language website of the Qatari broadcast network of the same name. Al-Jazeera is arguably the leading Arab broadcast news network, and gained worldwide attention for its live coverage of the war in Afghanistan. The website covers the major facets of news, as well as human rights, business, and opinion pieces. The organization is notable for its global news coverage on six continents. Although it became independent from the Qatari government in 2011, some criticize Al-Jazeera for still having a pro-Qatari bias.

Website: http://www.aljazeera.com

Facebook: AL Jazeera English

Twitter: @AJEnglish

Jadaliyya: Jadaliyya is a free online magazine that provides a unique source of insight and critical analysis that combines scholarship, advocacy, and local knowledge on the Middle East. The website features blog posts, reports and submissions by academics, journalists, activists, and artists about the Middle East. Reports are organized by country as well as topic, including reform, gender, refugees and culture to name a few.  Jadaliyya’s reports are well known, being referenced in such newspapers as the New York Times, as well as showing up in academic settings. Overall, Jadaliyya is an all inclusive source with an academic edge.

Website: http://www.jadaliyya.com/

Facebook: Jadaliyya

Twitter: @jadaliyya

Did we forget any good ones? Let us know in the comments!

How Do You Teach the Arab Spring?

That was the question we asked ourselves six months ago when Professor Spiegel finally agreed to take on a new class, after much haranguing from his graduate students. The subject needed, begged, to have its own class, but scarcely can the book be ordered, the articles assigned, and the slides prepared before some new disruptive event changes the course of Middle East politics (again). How can you keep up with, much less teach a class about, an unfolding series of events whose consequences and significance are still unknown? The very name “Arab Spring” continues to be debated in some circles (a pet peeve of one of our speakers, it turns out).

Prof. Spiegel explains, “[t]he problem I faced in designing a course on the Arab Spring was the freshness of the subject, changing daily.  And I believed strongly that ultimately, however influenced each state was by its neighbors, the individual country problems required specific answers and discussions suitable for each from analysts dealing with the issues on an ongoing basis.  In planning the class, I recalled a class I had co-taught immediately after 9/11, where we invited specialists to speak weekly on the problems the US faced then, but that format would not work this time.  And the one ‘sage on the stage’ method was in trouble enough; it would never work this time dealing with the ever-changing Arab Spring.”

The answer turned out to be elegant and simple: bring in the experts.  

To pull it off, CMED had to get tech savvy. As far back as August the idea of videoconferencing was floating around as something we should “look into.” I even have a card of a videoconference specialist who I randomly met at UCLA. None of us quite understood what this would entail, and hardly any professors had taken advantage of this technology outside of the engineering department. But by November we were testing the connection between the room at UCLA and UCDC, our counterpart in Washington D.C. 2600 miles away. It looked incredible, and it enabled the speaker to see and interact with the class and professor. Prof. Spiegel adds, “I tried it once from Washington, and it felt as much as if I was in Perloff 1102 [at UCLA] as I felt from UCLA toward Washington.” 

Michele Dunne, Director of the Atlantic Council's Rafik Hariri Center for the Middle East, lectures from UCDC

At the same time, Prof. Spiegel and his TAs Benjamin Radparvar and Joshua Saidoff cobbled together a syllabus. There were 18 classes of an hour and 15 minutes each allotted to cover the countries of the Arab Spring and the themes that they presented. The product was an impressive overview: Public Opinion, Media and Identity, Tunisia and Libya, Egypt, Syria, Lebanon, Islamism, Terrorism, Iran, the Gulf, Yemen, Iraq, Obama and US foreign policy, and, finally, Turkey.

Next came the selection of the experts. From Prof. Spiegel’s network of colleagues and a list of recommendations, we narrowed down some likely candidates. Their backgrounds spanned the breadth of political, academic, and governmental institutions: from the State Department to think tanks like the Atlantic Council, from professors at the University of San Diego and George Washington University, to our own UCLA graduate students, professors and CMED scholars.

So what’s the end result of this experiment?

"Being exposed to the top researchers and officials in the country is what going to UCLA should be about. Not only were the lectures entertaining (most of the time), all of the information was so relevant and applicable that I am able to use it outside of the classroom... which is not necessarily something you get from other classes."

     - Miri Gold, 3rd Year Political Science Major

“In a standard class on US-Middle East relations, students are exposed to the views of people who analyze US foreign policy.  In this class you have heard directly from people whose analysis informs US foreign policy.  Everybody in this class, students and teachers alike learned a tremendous amount.  It was a privilege to be involved in this undertaking.”

     - Joshua Saidoff, TA and Graduate Student, Dept. of Political Science

“The sense of being together added to the ability to actually have a discussion, not just a lecture, as first I engaged the speaker, and then members of the class asked questions and made comments.  Of course, with a variety of speakers there is always the issue of keeping to major themes, and hoping the presentation will not be a dud.  Remarkably, no guest bombed; all added to our collective knowledge, and many students told me it was their most intriguing classroom experience at UCLA. 

Obviously, there are improvements to be made, but in sum having guests ‘come to lecture’ in class from anywhere enhances the experience, and I certainly intend to use the method again where appropriate and useful.”

     - Professor Steven L. Spiegel, Dept. of Political Science, Director of CMED

What were some of the lessons learned?

(1) The videoconference style of lecturing is not for everyone. While the speaker and the class can see and hear one another, it takes time to adjust to speaking into a camera. Unfortunately, we were limited to an hour and 15 minutes, so there was little time to introduce the speaker and allow them to get comfortable. To that end, it would be better to have 2 hours at our disposal. Despite this, and the fact that some of our speakers aren’t necessarily used to lecturing in an academic setting, they adapted quite well.

(2) Technical difficulties come with the territory. UCLA has an excellent A/V department (shout out to Don Roby!), but there were a few unforeseeable problems that gave us anxiety down to the last second. The lesson here is be prepared to improvise and do some stand-up lecturing to fill the time until the connection is fixed.

(3) Speakers are unpredictable. We left it to the speakers to determine how much background information was needed to contextualize current events on their country of expertise. Necessarily, there is a lot of variation because each country has a unique history that influences how the Arab Spring is playing out there. However, this can be problematic for the students who are responsible for deciphering what information is essential... and what will end up on the all-important exam. Also, not knowing ourselves what the speakers would cover, it made choosing readings that much more difficult. Sometimes the readings contradicted the speakers or approached an event from a different angle or otherwise imperfectly covered the material.

On that last note, inconsistency can be useful because it teaches students that there is a lot of disagreement on how an event can be interpreted, especially something as complex as the Arab Spring, so they should be critical of what they read and hear, even from experts.

After all, isn’t that the point of an education?

Plus ça Change

Though Mubarak is gone, the relationship between Washington and Cairo is mostly unchanged

by David Weinberg, Non-Resident Fellow, UCLA CMED

It has been more than two years since the people of Egypt rose up and tossed out the government of Hosni Mubarak. In the process, President Obama helped end the old regime by insisting in private that Mubarak step aside to make way for new leadership.

We tend to speak of the events that took place in Egypt during the Arab Spring as a revolution, one with major consequences for Egyptian political life and also for Egypt’s relations with the United States. However, in many regards it is also instructive to reflect on just how little has actually changed.

Egypt still serves as a key American ally in the fight against terrorism and in Washington’s strategy toward the region. During the war last year between Hamas and Israel, the Egyptian government still served as America’s most important partner for mediating between the parties.

As was the case before the revolution, the United States currently views Egyptian needs through a prism of what is good for Israel. US officials worry more now about the fate of the Egyptian–Israeli peace treaty, but the treaty still stands. In addition, recent reports suggest that the new Egyptian government remains concerned to about preventing smuggling through the Sinai border.

Egypt still receives an enormous amount of American foreign assistance, more than almost any other country in the world. Still, most of this aid goes to the military and government of Egypt rather than to civil society. And in spite of what Secretary of State John Kerry said in his recent visit to Cairo, US aid to Egypt is not conditioned on democratization in any sort of meaningful, effective way.

The reason this is important is that Egypt’s new leaders continue to govern in a manner that rigs the rules of political competition so that the opposition is always at a strategic disadvantage. Although the Muslim Brotherhood continues to express their support for an open and democratic system, their hypocrisy is on full display when they use the same apparatus of repression that was established by the old regime against peaceful protestors.

Therefore, Egypt’s opposition faces the same classic dilemma of whether to boycott the upcoming elections or to participate in them even after the fall of Mubarak. It seems that America’s true sympathies are with the opposition, but American policy continues to display a bias in favor of the Egyptian government.

Of course, from Washington’s perspective much has changed as well. Americans harbor deep distrust toward the Egyptian president regarding his true intentions for the long term, and they are right to do so. Egypt is in serious need of an economic rescue package from the US and from the International Monetary Fund, and the need for such a package today is much greater than it was during the old regime. US officials are frightened that either continued chaos or Islamist hegemony without end will be the likely outcome of current events in Egypt

These changes raise the stakes for reaching a sustainable US–Egyptian strategic understanding, but America’s leverage over Cairo remains limited. Americans continue to prioritize Israeli needs over Egyptian ones and domestic priorities over international ones. And at the end of the day, state interests remain surprisingly constant.

This article was originally published on The Majalla.

Dr. David Andrew Weinberg is a Non-Resident Fellow with UCLA’s Center for Middle East Development. He previously served as a Professional Staff Member for Mideast affairs at the Committee on Foreign Affairs in the US House of Representatives.

Honor Killings: Death for the Victim...Honor for the Murderer?

The organization Human Rights Watch defines an honor killing as “acts of vengeance, usually death, committed by male family members against female family members, who are held to have brought dishonor upon the family. A woman can be targeted by (individuals within) her family for a variety of reasons, including: refusing to enter into an arranged marriage, being the victim of a sexual assault, seeking a divorce—even from an abusive husband—or (allegedly) committing adultery. The mere perception that a woman has behaved in a way that "dishonors" her family is sufficient to trigger an attack on her life.”[1]

Honor killings are most common in Muslim-majority and Middle East countries. According to the United Nations Popular Fund, 5,000 honor killings take place each year[2]. Many human rights organizations say that this number is extremely underestimated because most are unreported or categorized under ambiguous categories such as crimes of passion and even suicides. The number is 2 to 3 times higher, and the number of honor killings has actually increased significantly between 1989 and 2009.[3]

In some cultures, “honor” and reputation make up the fabric of social interactions and relationships. Honor killings are usually associated with Muslim families and the Middle East, but it is important to note that they occur around the world, including in the United States and Canada, and did not originate from any one religion. Rather, they are products of patriarchal societies wherein women are “property” of the men of their family. Because men are viewed as the owners of women and the heads of households, he is seen as responsible for the actions of the females in his family. Any action deemed undesirable by the woman, regardless of whether she is the victim, brings an irreversible “shame” on the family as dictated by the culture of the society. The only way to restore “honor” upon the family, according to society, is by killing the female, usually carried out by a father, husband or brother[4].

The horrifying part of honor killings, aside from the obvious, are the weak penalties and the seemingly nonchalant attitude carried by those committing the murders. In fact, according to the Surgir Foundation, one of the characteristics of an honor killing is that “the family and the community as a whole uphold honor crimes. The perpetrators of the crime are seen more as heroes than as criminals by close relatives and friends.”[5] Because of this “hero” culture, even with stricter laws, honor killings continue to go unpunished.

And there have been improvements to laws surrounding honor killings in many of these countries. In Pakistan, Article 302 of the Criminal Code stipulates that honor killers can be sentenced to death or life imprisonment. In Lebanon, the Criminal Code was amended in 2009 to say that the courts would no longer use reference to the crime of adultery or “illegitimate” sexual relations as an excuse for acquittal. Syria revised its Criminal Code to institute a sentence of a minimum of two years for honor crimes.

These laws supposedly make it harder to commit honor crimes without punishment. However, as judges and policemen are products of the same society, they are sometimes sympathetic to the perpetrators and therefore hand down light sentences or disregard the laws completely.  Rana Husseini, author of Murder in the Name of Honor, describes a situation where a man in Jordan told police officers how he heard of his sister’s transgression, told his father to bring her home, and killed her on site. The police officer responded that the brother should not implicate his father because that would mean the murder was planned and not an act of “passion.” The brother got six months in jail as a misdemeanor for his murder, using the policeman’s advice.[6]

Due to the escalation of honor killings in the Middle East and the inability of government reforms to curb the trend, civil protests have taken shape in order to combat the practice. In May 2012, Palestinian women and men gathered for a demonstration in Gaza City to protest the “honor killing” of Nasrin Musarti, a 26 year old mother of two.[7] A group of women’s rights initiatives came together in Jordan this past June to form the “There is no honour in crime” campaign. The women formed “a human chain from Al Hussein Sports City to the Interior Ministry Circle” holding up signs in protest of harassment and honor crimes against women.[8] At least some governments are listening and instituting harsher punishments.  In India, for example, the Supreme Court has taken a strong position against honor crimes by prescribing the death sentence for perpetrators and exclaiming that “all persons who are planning to perpetrate honor killings should know that the gallows await them.”[9]

People are taking to social media as well in protest to honor killings. Last year the Palestinian rapper group, Da Arabian MCs, more widely known as DAM, produced a controversial song in conjunction with UN Women called If I Could Go Back In Time, which tells the story of an Arab girl who was shot by her father and brother for running away from an arranged marriage. The music video and lyrics (which you can view at the end of this blog) aim to mobilize and raise awareness among youth about honor killings. In addition,  in 2010, director Priyadarshan of India made a movie entitled Aakrosh (anger), which dealt with the issue of honor killings.

Awareness of honor killings is growing around the world and people are taking action. From street protests to international intervention, the long standing tradition of honor killings will hopefully soon be coming to an end.

Miri Gold is an undergraduate researcher at UCLA's Center for Middle East Development. She is a third year student studying Political Science and Public Policy.

For further reading regarding honor crimes, see the Surgir Foundation's report found here: http://www.surgir.ch/userfiles/file/surgir-brochure-honor-crimes-en.pdf

[1] "Violence Against Women and "Honor" Crimes". Human Rights Watch. http://www.hrw.org/press/2001/04/un_oral12_0405.htm. Retrieved 2001-04-06

[2] www.un.org

[3] www.meforum.org

[4] http://theweek.com/article/index/225998/pakistans-escalating-honor-killing-problem

[5] http://www.surgir.ch/userfiles/file/surgir-brochure-honor-crimes-en.pdf

[6] Husseini, Rana. Murder in the Name of Honor: The True Story of One Woman's Heroic Fight against an Unbelievable Crime. Oxford, England: OneWorld, 2009. Print.

[7] http://www.al-monitor.com/pulse/security/01/06/the-courageous-demonstration-of.html

[8] http://www.albawaba.com/editorchoice/honour-crimes-jordan-431370

[9] http://india.blogs.nytimes.com/2012/10/08/debating-the-death-sentence-for-honor-killings/

Lessons of the Gaza War

By Steven L. Spiegel

Now that the cease-fire between Israel and Hamas has begun to take effect (at least for now), it's time to begin to assess the outcome of the war, and where we go from here.

1. The big star and game changer is the Iron Dome anti-missile defense system. Without it, there would have been many more Israeli casualties, and the Netanyahu government would undoubtedly have sent ground troops into Gaza. Look for the immediate hot topic in security circles to be anti-missile defense systems, and look for American aid to Israel to increase on this front. President Obama has already indicated his support.

2. Israel often has a hawkish reputation, but it is amazing that it has watched as Hamas and Hezbollah on its southern and northern borders gradually escalated missile capabilities. We Americans wouldn't have done that if some group developed much less of a capability on our Canadian or Mexican borders, let alone both. Look for Israeli hawks and doves to both argue that their analysis was correct, and recommend policies accordingly.

3. Hamas is a big winner. Even in the last hours of the conflict, it was still capable of attacking Israel. Look for an enhanced Hamas prestige among Palestinians and in the Arab world. More troubles for the U.S., Israel, and the Palestinian Authority.

4. But, at least in the short term, look for a longer term truce and the dramatic reduction of missiles from Gaza raining on Israel, and therefore a limit on Israeli retaliations. Look for both sides to declare victories; greater standing for Hamas, and enhanced deterrence for the Israelis.

5. The new Islamist Egyptian government performed well in becoming the main sponsor of the cease-fire agreement, but the Sinai -- the conduit for arms to Gaza -- has become more lethal than ever. Look for pressure to increase on Egypt to do something about Sinai, and for quiet discussions calling for the addition of western advisers to help to regain Cairo's control. Egypt's role in the cease-fire and its weakness in Sinai could and should actually enhance the Israeli-Egyptian peace treaty if it is handled properly.

6. Iran is a big winner. It managed to provide the missiles to Hamas via Sudan and through the Sinai that had the greatest psychological impact on both Israelis and Arabs alike by seeming to threaten Tel Aviv and even Jerusalem.

7. At the same time, the confrontation with Iran becomes more complex, as there will be mixed interpretations of the meaning of the Gaza War. On the one hand, there will be less enthusiasm for an attack on its developing nuclear weapons program among the already wary Israeli public and a significant number of security specialists, reinforced by American and European caution. On the other hand, others will argue that the Hamas arsenal suggests that a nuclear Iran would be even more dangerous. Look for intensified disputes in the months to come about a possible attack on Iran, even tougher sanctions, and more pressure on President Obama to both try to reach a negotiated settlement on that front and to consider American action.

8. Similarly, as suggested in the cease-fire agreement, there will be alleviation of the already-diminished Israeli blockade of Gaza. Look for much greater flexibility on civilian goods entering Gaza and much more attention to the passage of Libyan and Iranian arms (through Sudan to Egypt) to Hamas.

9. The Palestinian Authority under Mahmoud Abbas is a big loser. It will be more difficult than ever to bolster the Fatah leadership on the West Bank as Hamas grows in stature. The United States will be challenged to provide more economic aid and more diplomatic activity on the peace process. Look for much more attention to the Israeli-Palestinian peace process than at any time since mid-2011, when President Obama's initiative at the time quickly fizzled.

10. American efforts will be more complicated than ever because of the imminent Palestinian bid to become a non-member observer state at the UN. At least in the short term, membership will strengthen Abbas, but the missile war with Israel strengthens the possibility of Hamas leadership. The U.S. cannot afford Hamas, an ally of Iran, potentially representing Palestine at the UN, should Abbas weaken further. Look for the U.S. to try to square the circle by increasing its opposition to the Abbas UN initiative, and simultaneously attempting to strengthen Abbas through economic aid and the resumption of diplomacy on the peace process front. That might have the chance of some success if the conflict over the UN bid, now presumed to trigger diminished aid to Abbas, can somehow be resolved.

During the Gaza War, President Obama was traveling in Southeast Asia, as part of the administration's vaunted "pivot" to Asia. It's a good policy, but the Middle East followed him there. As the president contemplates new appointments in the foreign policy arena, he will have to consider that just as the U.S. necessarily begins to pay more attention to the Asian front, the conflicts and problems of the Middle East will stubbornly remain. We will be stuck with a very complex region we cannot ignore for a very long time to come.

Professor Steven Spiegel is a Professor of Political Science at UCLA and director of UCLA Center for Middle East Development.

This article was originally published in the Huffington Post.